Never Again To commemorate the Rwandan Genocide .
On March 24, 1957 it has published a twelve-page document entitled ” Notes on the social problem of racial indigenous in Rwanda .” The document is known as ”Bahutu’s Manifesto”. You can find on the Web a reissue of the original text in PDF format.
The document was conceived by nine Hutu intellectuals : Maximilien Niyonzima , Grégoire Kayibanda , Claver Ndahayo , Isidore Nzeyimana , Calliope Mulindaha , Godefroy Sentama , Munyambonera Sylvestre , Joseph Sibomana and Jouvenal Habyarimana.
These intellectuals defines themselves as ” Committed Christian .” Some of them are studying at the seminary in Kigali to become priests. Mr. Kayibanda and Mr. Niyonzima are the editors of the official newspaper of the church: Kinyamateka (the only media outlet allowed by the colonial administration in Rwanda ) and Mr. Milindabi is the secretary to the bishopric of Kabgayi and the director of the Catholic Action in Rwanda. The newspaper Kinyamateka was recently edit again on Facebook in Kenyarwanda language . Taking advantage of the language gap the New Kunyamateka propagates ethnic hatred incites to Tutsi genocide, without Facebook close the page.
Behind the scenes, the congregation of the Belgian missionaries : the ” White Fathers ‘ participate in the drafting of the manifesto . The White Fathers disguised their support to the Manifesto with the promotion of an era of greater justice and democracy in Rwandan society.
Political request of the Manifesto Bahutu .
The Bahutu’s Manifesto is based on the theory of “Historical Ethnicity”, invented by Belgian colonialism. This theory identifies Tutsi as “Ibimanuka” (descended from heaven ), a Nilotic people coming from Egypt or Ethiopia to colonize ‘Rwanda enslaving the native population of the country : Hutus (the ones found on the site ).
Based on this theory , the Bahutu’s Manifesto reclaims a democratic process in the country capable of putting an end to the Tutsi aristocracy domination and the feudal servility of which Hutus were forced . The manifesto stated that the country’s democratic process must necessarily pass through the collective promotion of the people and the emancipation of the Hutu who had to buy full rights as the Tutsi , but not ‘ replace the latter by creating a new relationship of domination .
The Bahutu’s Manifesto social and political claims are described in the third part of the document and are structured in three main objectives:
1 . promotion policy of the majority Hutu ( dissolution of traditional leaders and the Tutsi monarchy and free elections ) ;
2 . the solution of the race problem in native Rwanda ( one people without ethnic differences ) ;
3 . the agrarian reform (abolition of feudal servitude , the introduction of the individual property of the land , establishment of rural credit for agricultural development of the country) .
The Tutsi worse than European colonialism .
The Bahutu’s Manifesto contains claims apparently progressive and social acceptable but in reality it is the basic text for the racial supremacy of the Hutus over the Tutsis. Between the lines the document includes the racial problem aspect in Rwanda is caused by economic, political and social development Tutsis monopoly.
“Some people wonder if there is really a social conflict or if it is a racial conflict . We believe that these reflections are simple literature . In reality and in the people’s perception the problem is not social . The problem lies in the political monopoly that the Tutsi have . A political monopoly that, examining the current existing structures , it turns into a social and economic monopoly of the Tutsi who, with great despair for the Hutu , condemns the majority of the population to remain eternally subordinate workforce . ”
The origin of this domain on the majority of the population, according to the Bahutu’s Manifesto , comes from the Tutsi colonialism . The authors of the document, through a clever historical falsification , identify the Hutu as Tutsi victims of the settlers . The thesis is developed thanks to the theory of “the colonialism in two phases .”
The first phase is that of the Tutsi over the Hutu and the second is that of the Belgians on Rwandans in general.
These Christians intellectuals make clear that the second phase of colonialism has saved the country . “Without the Europeans we would have been condemned to inhuman exploitation , and we must choose between the lesser of two evils: that European colonialism, a progressive colonialism and good compared to the racial supremacy of the Nilotic .”
The Bahutu’s Manifesto makes a distinction of the Rwandan population in the Belgian colony . The dominated ( Hutu ) and the Masters ( Tutsi ) are depicted as two ethnically distinct populations . Deliberately these ” Christians intellectuals” do not stop to think about how two different ethnic groups could speak the same language ( the Kinyaruanda , Bantu language ) , have the same customs and live perfectly mixed in the same villages and in the same urban neighborhoods.
As rightly noted by Belgian historian Bernard Lugan , the Bahutu’s Manifesto is’ essentially a racist manifesto . A master text where the extremists based their theories on the distinction of two distinct blocks and incites ethnic Hutu majority to rebel against the Tutsi minority instead of talking about the people of Rwanda as a whole.
The historical context of the Manifesto Bahutu .
With the end of World War II also the Belgian colonial power begins to crumble under the pressure of various African independence movements that aimed to dismantle the privileges of exploitation on the European Continent .
In 1952, the Belgian protection announces the preparation of a development plan in Rwanda and Burundi with the aim of preparing the two African colonies to independence that could be granted only in the long term .
The more radical opposition in Rwanda against Belgian colonialism was promoted by the bourgeoisie that the administration had favored the Tutsis to ensure his domination of the country. As in Burundi , in Rwanda , was the former Tutsi aristocracy , became the administrative , military and commercial petty bourgeoisie , to lead the pro-independence sentiments .
The Tusti intelligentsia project of independence was not based on ethnicity but on nationalism . Every Rwandan ( Hutu or Tutsi who it was) had the right to run their country without outside interference , especially from the former colonial power. The independence from Belgium was considered by them as a Rwandan right and not a courtesy make by the European colonial power .
The petty bourgeoisie Tutsi agreed with the Belgian Government on the need for a transition period to independence , but on the basis of specific conditions. The phase could not last more than two years, the period should be restricted to the handover between the administration Belgian and the future administration of Rwanda , The time between was necessary to encourage the emergence of mature parties Rwandan and eventually able to promote the free and democratic elections .
The reaction of Belgium, identical to that of other colonial powers such France and England at the time , was to support the creation of local political forces more moderate and willing to cooperate with the former colonial power once gained independence .
Forced by events, the Belgian colonialism supported the creation of political expression by relying heavily on ethnic Hutu, considered the majority od the population poor and far from power. The task of creating a policy Hutu intelligentsia was entrusted to the Catholic Church .
The resentment of the majority of the population to the taxation and repression suffered for decades by the Belgians , was skillfully channeled towards the Tutsis .
Thanks to the financial support of the international Christian Democrat movement , the Church and Belgium favored the creation of political parties only ” Hutu ” in opposition to the more radical version of independence carried out by various members of the Tutsi majority and between them some Hutu .
The Bahutu’s Mainfesto was designed by Vatican experts to equip these Hutu parties of a thickness ideological pseudo- revolutionary , who confuse their politics based on racial supremacy , offering them a democratic and progressive mask .
The direct consequences of Bahutu’s Mainfesto.
The direct consequence of this manifesto, apparently moderate , was the distinction between Hutu and Tutsi that that shortly brought to a politic radicalization over ethnic problems.
The Bahutu’s Mainfesto and ‘ to be considered as the starting point of racial supremacy policy promote by leaders Hutu who had nothing to envy their Nazis counterparts.
A few months after the publication of the document, some of the authors merge in ethnic political parties based on racial hatred : Kayibanda merge the Social Movement muhutu that will become the Parmehutu Party in 1959. Habyarimana merge in the Association for the Promotion of Social Masse ( APROSOMA ) . At the same time began the campaign for the local elections which saw the supremacy of the political class that will handle the Hutu extremist ‘ power for thirty long and painful years .
During the election campaign the Tutsi parties focused on the right to self-determination of the people of Rwanda and the claim of independence from Belgium. In contrast Pariti Hutus were concentrated against the ” colonizer of Ethiopian race ” claiming the expulsion of all the Tutsis in Abyssinia.
In 1959 was inaugurated the ethnic cleansing that culminated ‘ in the 1994 genocide .
With this background , the Hutu uprising of November 1959 ( disguised as a peasant revolt ) immediately assumed a dimension of ethnic cleansing and it was the first act of the numerous massacres towards the Tutsi behind the stimulus of political forces that had supported the redemption of the oppressed majority : Belgium and the Vatican.
Hundreds of Tutsis were massacred during the revolt and 22,000 of them were deported to a concentration camp in Bugesera east of the country (at the time an unhealthy area ) .
At the independence of Rwanda in July 1962 , 120,000 Tutsis were forced to flee from death by finding refuge in neighboring countries.
An attempt at revenge perpetuated by a minority of Tutsi refugees in Burundi on Christmas of 1963 provoked the Bahutu government reaction in January 1964 that saw the elimination of 100,000 Tutsis and the beheading of the entire political leadership Tutsis still present in the country.
This new wave of ethnic cleansing provoked ‘ a second exodus of 250,000 Tutsis. In less than two years since the goal ‘ of the Tutsi population in Rwanda was in exile in Uganda , Burundi, Zaire and Tanzania.
A new wave of ethnic cleansing was carried out in 1973 and culminated ‘ with the seizure of power (via coup ) Juvenal Habyrimana that aspiring young priest became the first Army general and politician .
In the face of this polarization in Rwanda, the Tutsi minority of neighboring Burundi , was able to take control of the country due to the fact that the local army created by the Belgians was entirely in their hands.
The Tutsis in power in Burundi were able to reject three attempts of coup devised by Hutu genocidaires ( backed by Rwanda ) through the massacre of Hutu elites and several thousand civilians.
Over the decades following independence , the Bahutu’s Mainfesto will assume a leading ideological role for the Hutus in power and ideological justification for the cruel repression of the Tutsi minority that will culminate with the theory of ” Hutu Power ” an Habyrimana plan make on 70s for the” Final Solution “designed and implemented in the 90s.
The ethnic domination in Rwanda.
The 1973 coup Habyrimana allowed to bring to power the most extremist Hutu faction : the one from the North, coming from the prefectures of Gisenyi and Ruhengeri . The Hutu of the north were considered the only ones who had not undergone the Tutsi domination .
The new regime will play the ethnic card to isolate the Hutu elite of central and southern, accused of being too “moderate” to the Tutsis . The Government introduced the ethnic national identity cards ( as at the time of the Belgians ) This I.D. were used to determine access to school , health ‘ and the world of work through the system of ” racial quota ” which attributed to Tutsi 9%. During the genocide the I.D. were using for fast truck the Tutsi to terminate.
Thanks to the international media coverage in Belgium and later in France , thanks to the complicity of the Vatican and the International Christian Democratic , the racial Hutu regime in Rwanda was able for thirty years to convince the whole world to be a democratic regime .
During the period of the single party , Habyrimana plaid on the ambiguity ‘ of the management of the country in favor of the majority. While opening up to multi- party system he paid on the ambiguity of the electoral majority to hide the Hutu North extremist regime.
For Western citizens and even for many Christian democratic political in good faith, both ignorant of the racial dynamics taking place in the country , this propaganda run perfectly.
The management in the country in favor of the majority meant the management of power in favor of the Hutu from North. The electoral willing of the majority was the North Hutu elite willing because all parties in Rwanda were based on ethnicity . The mixed parties ( Hutu and Tutsi ) were strongly hampered by the physical elimination of their leaders .
In a short time Habyarimana transformed the extremist Hutu class from North in a ravenous clan clinging to power and the exploitation of resources of the country , masking these practices enrichment and subsequent dictatorship behind the ideology of Hutu ransom , while the majority of the population , primarily Hutus , sinking into total misery .
Thanks to the former colonial power, France and the Vatican, Rwanda experienced three decades of dictatorship with a strong racial slurs. This dictatorship contained many similarities with the Nazi ideology of genocide. These similarities were demonstrated in 1994 during the 100 days of the horror of African Soah.